What is the best army composition in mount and blade warband

Nord Huscarl...

Explanation:

african american women made meaningful gains in the labor force and us armed forces as a result of the wartime labor shortage during the second world war, but these advances were sharply circumscribed by racial segregation, which was legal in all parts of the country, and virulent racism in the dominant culture. president franklin roosevelt’s signing of executive order 8802 in 1941 banned race discrimination in defense industries and civil service jobs. it was rarely enforced, however, and mostly ignored by employers until they were forced to hire nonwhites by exhaustion of the white labor supply. even then, war industries often filled their most menial and dangerous positions with black employees, frequently on night shifts and in janitorial slots. african american women suffered both racial and gender discrimination, so they had to fight very hard even to enter skilled spots on the production line in aircraft, shipyard work, and other well-paying war industries.

entrenched racist attitudes on the part of white employers and coworkers in the nation’s war-production centers hindered black women’s ability to gain employment in these unionized blue-collar jobs. when black people did get hired, they often were forced to use separate restrooms and to perform the lowest paid, most difficult work. sometimes their employment triggered hate strikes, which erupted periodically over the war, when white workers walked off the job over promotion or hiring of african americans into previously restricted departments and occupation categories. in 1943, for example, a baltimore western electric plant was forced to build separate toilet facilities for white and black workers when white women demanded them. barred from most service occupations like telephone operator, clerical worker (other than federal offices in washington, dc), or waitress at white restaurants, black women mainly found war jobs in dangerous industries such as munitions plants.

african american women

the difficulty for black women entering skilled production areas, retail and other service work, or transportation jobs during the 1940s is mirrored in their continuing dominance of the private market for maids. although during the war, the proportion of african american women who were working in domestic service fell dramatically, from 60 to 44 percent, domestic employment remained their primary occupation category throughout the war. even in the military, which they did enter as a support for black male soldiers in the segregated armed forces, black women had trouble escaping low-skilled assignments, and they were not allowed to take combat roles. six african american wacs, for example, were court-martialed at fort devens, massachusetts, when they refused to take custodial assignments. in her memoir of being the first african american to join the women’s army corps, charity adams earley mentions the common army practice of dividing into "white" and "colored" the jobs wacs were given, with the latter being menial and

japans americans

japanese americans in military during world war ii in world war ii for its size and length of service, japanese americans served in the u.s. armed to nisei veterans in general—"most of the others did extremely well in their work and lives.

explanation:

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paul willis (born 1950) is a british social scientist known for his work in sociology and cultural studies. paul willis' work is widely read in the fields of sociology, anthropology, and education, his work emphasizing consumer culture, socialization, music, and popular culture. he was born in wolverhampton[1] and received his education at the university of cambridge and at the university of birmingham. he worked at centre for contemporary cultural studies and subsequently at the university of wolverhampton. he was a professor of social/cultural ethnography at keele university. in the autumn of 2010, he left keele university and is now a professor at princeton university.

paul willis’s work has focused mainly, but not exclusively, on the ethnographic study of lived cultural forms in a wide variety of contexts. from highly structured to weakly structured ones, willis examines how practices of `informal cultural production` to produce and construct cultural worlds `from below`.[2]

trained in literary criticism at cambridge,[2] paul willis received his phd in 1972 from the centre for contemporary cultural studies at birmingham university where he remained as senior research fellow until 1981. he gave a paper at the 9th symposium of the natiohnal deviancy conference in january 1972 entitled 'a motor-bike subculture

during the 1980`s willis served as youth policy adviser to wolverhampton borough council in the english midlands. there he produced the youth review (published by the council and ashgate) which formed the basis for youth policy and for the formation of the democratically elected youth council, both still functioning. during the 1990s he served first as head of the division of media, communications and cultural studies, and then as a member of the professoriate at the university of wolverhampton. in 2000 willis co-founded the sage journal, ethnography. in 2003 willis was hired as a head professor of social and cultural ethnography at keele university.